The lovely tale of Liquor
during Lockdown and before
At every stage, addiction is driven by one of the most powerful, mysterious, and
vital forces of human existence. What drives addiction is longing —
a longing not just of brain, belly, or loins but finally of the heart.
Cornelius Platinga
​
The use of alcohol in India for drinking purposes dates back to somewhere between 3000 and 2000 BC. An alcoholic beverage called Sura which was distilled from the rice was popular at that time in India for common men to unwind at the end of a stressful day. . Yet the first mention of Alcohol appears in Rig Veda (1700BC). It mentions intoxicants like soma and prahamana. Although the soma plant might not exist today, it was famous for delivering a euphoric high. It was also recorded in the Samhita, the medical compendium of Sushruta that he who drinks soma will not age and will be impervious to fire, poison, or weapon attack. The sweet juice of Soma was also said to help establish a connection with the gods. Such was the popularity of alcohol. Initially used for medicinal purposes, with time it evolved and became the beverage that brought life to social gatherings, and eventually consuming alcohol has become a habit for many.
With such a rich history of not just humans but also of the gods,
what is a worldwide pandemic to stop anybody from drinking?
. . .
​
According to a report released by the World Health Organisation (WHO) in 2018, an average Indian drinks approximately 5.7 liters of alcohol every year. In a population of casual and excessive drinkers, with the shutters of liquor stores down, it must have been extremely difficult for “certain” people to survive lockdown. In the first two phases of lockdown, the desperation had quadrupled prices of alcohol in the Grey Market of India. Also, According to Google Trends, online searches for “how to make alcohol at home” peaked in India during the fourth week of March, which was the same when the lockdown was announced. As a consequence, a few people died drinking home-brewed liquor. People committed suicide due to alcohol withdrawal syndrome. Owing to the worsening situation and to reboot the economy, some states decided to open licensed liquor stores in the third phase of the COVID-19 Pandemic lockdown in India. This decision was the worst best decision the state governments could take. The kilometer-long queues in front of liquor stores were evidence that a pandemic can turn your life upside down yet your relationship with alcohol cannot move an inch.
The love in the hearts of those who are addicted was explicit. We might have seen addiction, we might have witnessed desperation but what happened in the month of May was madness, not just in terms of the way people pounced but also in the way the government earned. According to a report by Hindustan Times, on the first day of the third phase of Lockdown, the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh recorded a sale of over Rs 100 Crore from liquor. On the second day of the reopening of Liquor stores, Karnataka reported sales of 197 crores in a single day which was the largest ever. Eventually, the prices of Liquor were hiked to 100% to discourage people from drinking.
. . .
​
There was a special corona fee that was imposed in Delhi by Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal. A 70% corona fee was imposed in Delhi, yet the sales did not drop. The entire situation was a disaster for the law enforcement officers, social distancing was easily abandoned and a basic code of conduct was happily violated. Despite the chaos created, the states continued to collect revenues. Home delivery of alcohol was allowed in Maharashtra and e-tokens were sold in Delhi.
​
Demand for liquor is inelastic which means that
the sale of alcohol is not much responsive to change in prices.
In general, since alcohol policy is a state subject in India, revenue from Liquor is a cash cow for state governments. In 2018 and 2019, four states collectively collected about 20,000 crores in taxes from the sale of liquor. As much as the state earns from the sale of Liquor it is undoubtedly, a threat to the Economy. Consumption of alcohol has dire health consequences. When a person consumes an alcoholic beverage, there is a rise in BAC because of which there is a gradual and progressive loss of driving ability because of an increase in reaction time, overconfidence, degraded muscle coordination, impaired concentration, and decreased auditory and visual acuity. This is known as drunken driving. (V. M. Anantha Eashwar, 2020) Drunken driving is the third biggest cause of road accidents and over speeding in India. Road accidents are not it; alcoholism causes sleep problems, heart, and liver issues. Also, it is not about an individual’s life, it ruins the lives of all people concerned.
Addiction also causes economic loss. In 2000, Vivek Benegal and his team assessed 113 patients admitted to a special de-addiction service for alcohol dependence. They found that
the average individual earned a mean of ₹1,661 but
spent ₹1,938 per month on alcohol, incurring high debt.
They also found that 95% did not work for about 14 days in a month. They concluded that it led to a loss of ₹13,823 per person per year in terms of foregone productivity. A more recent study, Health Impact and Economic Burden of Alcohol Consumption in India, led by Gaurav Jyani, concluded that alcohol-attributable deaths would lead to a loss of 258 million life-years between 2011 and 2050. The study placed the economic burden on the health system at $48.11 billion, and the societal burden (including health costs, productivity loss, and so on) at $1,867 billion. “This amounts to an average loss of 1.45% of the gross domestic product (GDP) per year to the Indian economy,” the study said. (Mint, 2020)
Setho ka Gaon

With each passing day, the ‘curtain of separation’ weighs down on the women of Afghanistan, paving the way for tyranny to thrive.
Arth

Is It Easy Going Green? Notes on greening Monetary Policy
By Anirudh Arun



On November 6, 2021, thousands of climate activists took to the streets of Glasgow in a stunning display of dissent. Their message was crystal clear: “we, the people” are in the throes of a climate emergency but none of our leaders are considering it to be a priority. The events of COP 26 emphasised the primary responsibility that governments had to respond effectively to the single greatest existential threat faced by humanity. But although governments have to lead the charge against climate change, the vastness of this historic challenge means that everybody has to consider how they can contribute. This applies in particular to policymakers, including Central banks. Central banks all around the world have forever grappled with the formulation of a cohesive strategy to “green” their portfolio without hampering monetary policy and overall price stability. In its paper series, the European Central Bank succinctly phrased this balancing act as “To be or not to be green”.
‘To be or not to be green’ is the fundamental question that is dissected in length below.
​
What is the cost of not “going green”?
A central bank is an institution that “manages the currency and monetary policy of a state or formal monetary union, and oversees their commercial banking system.” Simply put, a central bank’s jurisdiction is primarily over monetary policy. Considering that tenant, why should it even remotely care about climate change? The answer to that question lies in the fact that climate change in its various dimensions could increase the riskiness of the assets held on central banks’ balance sheets, potentially leading to financial losses. Climate risks are those which can impact or disrupt business activities and the institutions financing them. For financial institutions, these mainly relate to credit risk (defaults by businesses or households), market risk (repricing of equity prices following climate-related events), underwriting risk (insurance losses) and liquidity risk. Unabated climate change is likely to render extreme weather events more frequent and disruptive and exacerbate the global warming trend. Extreme weather events can be primarily thought of as supply shocks, which tend to increase prices and lower output.
Central banks thus have to respond to these underlying risks and insure themselves against them. Here is where a “Green” monetary policy comes into play. The ‘greening’ of monetary policy operations is defined as “steering the eligibility criteria towards low-carbon assets.” The intended effect is that the cost of capital that is to be borne by low-carbon companies reduces relative to high-carbon companies.
Can monetary policy “go green”?
Quantitative easing programmes – those like asset purchases in the open market – are conducted by Central banks normally in proportion to the outstanding market shares (market capitalisation) of a company. It has been argued that this practice gives rise to a “carbon bias” in central banks’ portfolios because carbon-intensive companies are usually also capital-intensive and so have a larger weight in corporate bond markets compared to their less carbon-intensive peers. For example, it is calculated that about 62.1% of the European Central Bank’s corporate bond purchases are in the gas, manufacturing and electricity sectors. These sectors are also responsible for a whopping 58.5 % of euro area greenhouse gas emissions.
Such climate externalities result in market failure and give way to an inefficient allocation of resources that impedes a progressive transition to an ecologically sound economy. Thus, there is a dire need to develop a mechanism that can quantitatively measure climate risks. Central banks should ensure that climate risks are adequately incorporated in their risk management as well as in the financial institutions they supervise. They should ensure the disclosure of climate-related risks by firms and financial institutions. They should also use the instruments at their disposal to incentivise the issuance of green financial products (finance that flows into sustainable development ventures).
What strategies are to be followed for policy formulation?
According to Prof. Dirk Schoenmaker, there are two routes for central banks to influence the carbon economy: the best-in-class method, and the portfolio tilting method.
The best-in-class method selects a percentage of best performers in a sector for investment, i.e. those companies with the lowest carbon emissions. If the percentage for selection is set relatively high – say 50-60 per cent – then the central bank can maintain a broad, albeit reduced, asset and collateral base for its operations. By contrast, the tilting approach increases the proportion of low-carbon companies at the expense of the proportion of high-carbon companies. A tilting approach is less distorting in the monetary transmission because no assets are excluded, and it’s only the weighting in the portfolio that’s adjusted. These methods can be used to select relatively low-carbon assets, or to tilt the portfolios towards less carbon-intensive assets, thereby reducing the exposure to high-carbon assets, meeting the objective.
In an influential paper, Amel-Zadeh and Serafeim (2018) distinguish several methods for considering ESG (Environmental, Social and Governance) issues:
1. Exclusionary/negative screening: a method of deliberately not investing in companies that do not meet specific ESG criteria.
2. Active ownership: use of shareholder power to engage with companies to improve their ESG performance.
3. Thematic investing: focusing on those parts of the universe that benefit from and provide solutions for certain ESG trends.
4. Impact investing: an approach to investing that deliberately aims for both financial and societal value creation, as well as the measurement of societal value creation.
​
Concluding note:
ECB President Christine Lagarde recently spoke passionately at a green capital markets union about the inroads that financial markets can make in ensuring a shift to a low-carbon economy. Carbon taxes and global carbon pricing are not enough to address this issue. The central bank’s key role in the financial system means that it would give an important signal to the financial sector when it acts to reduce carbon emissions, and therefore contribute to combating climate change. Recent evidence points to the crucial role of banks in funding energy-efficient investment projects. Research also indicates that green bond issuance by companies may be associated with an improvement in their environmental performance.
However, these policy suggestions are not perfect. The transition to a “greener” economy is unlikely to be smooth and without economic costs. Data gaps and the absence of a widely agreed taxonomy for green assets currently prevent researchers from better understanding the impact that greening monetary policy portfolios could have on national and global carbon emissions. Tilting and best-in-class methods could lead to price distortions and have wider problems in the economy. Critics question if propagating a green monetary policy and favouring low-carbon companies goes beyond the realms of the “traditional” role performed by a Central Bank.
​
Is this the time to stay ‘traditional’ and stick to old principles? Or is it the time to effectuate radical change to respond to the underlying challenges?


References:
-
Schoenmaker, D. (February 2019) “Greening Monetary Policy” Working paper, Rotterdam School of Management, Erasmus University CEPR
-
Schoenmaker, D. (2021), "Greening Monetary Policy", Climate Policy
-
Lagarde, C. (2021), “Climate change and central banking”, Keynote speech at the ILF conference on Green Banking and Green Central Banking
-
Lena Boneva, Gianluigi Ferrucci, Francesco Paolo Mongelli (2021) “To be or not to be “green”: how can monetary policy react to climate change?” Occasional Paper Series, European Central Bank
.jpg)
Anirudh Arun
Editor, Editorial Board
* The comments section is open for a healthy debate and relevant arguments. Use of inappropriate language and unnecessary hits towards
the department, the newsletter, or the author will not be entertained.